A Big Regime Change in Sri Lanka
A new dispensation with no past baggage is a boon in our times. The new team in Colombo offers just that rare chance in this global churning where a party with less than 4% vote share in the previous elections has won the majority in just a short passage of time. Also, of course, it is a sign that tells how desperate the people of the nation must have been, seeking a drastic change, from weather beaten politicians and a mostly corrupt elite, bringing a avowed Marxist who has promised change. Dissanayake at just 55 years of age promises just that fresh chance, to break from the stranglehold of well entrenched government machinery that over years has offered little change, but more and more of the same, each time with a different colouring and a new collection of slogans.
The economic crisis, the woes of the common man in the streets of Colombo and elsewhere have driven the people to despair and misery. Yes, Ranil, the outgoing president, did well over the last two years, to stem the tide, bring succour and hope, but it was too little and perhaps too slow. People have shown they are restive and need fresh hope.
Dissanayake’s start is not going to be easy. It will call for resilience, commitment and a huge resolve to make the difference and to do this fast, transparently, and in good measure. He has initiated the first and most critical move in naming his prime minister, also with a difference. A first-time legislator, an educationist, with a background from Delhi’s Hindu College and social anthropology from University of Edinburgh, is equally a refresh mode pressed on the keyboard. Harini Amarasuriya brings just that breath of fresh air, needed to salvage a national economy, only the third lady prime minister in the country, but a worthy successor in that legacy of strong women who have ruled Sri Lanka.
Importantly, Amarasuriya has identified as a feminist and advocated for a greater involvement of women in politics. She saw the prevailing political culture as “largely dynastic politics” and being extremely toxic, masculine, violent and exclusive. Her academic work has explored across gender, class and employment, as well as the impact of conflict in accessing resources. These concerns have prompted her into her activism as well.
She described the 2011 worker protests as a significant influence on her politics, extending her support as a member of the Federation of University Teachers Association. “I joined the union on my very first day at the university and went for my first protest march – without a job offer letter in hand,” she has been quoted.
What of his foreign policy and the occasional pin pricks that India seems to get from the island republic? Most importantly, it heralds a fresh beginning that in itself is a promising start. It is most understandable that nations today would like to have the best relationships with all, unless events dictate to the contrary. That India and Sri Lanka have a shared history and community connect till this day, fondly nurtured through a variety of exchanges, most importantly a people to people connect, there is much to be said about respect for each other’s concerns. Delicately nurtured, we have before us a fresh narrative to build, based upon mutual trust and respect.
Media reports are quick to sound out alerts. India cannot be written off, or marginalised in its neighbourhood, we have much to offer. Which does not mean we can take them for granted. As governments settle down, whether in Bangladesh or in Sri Lanka, reality dawns on them as well upon us, there is a price we have to pay for being good neighbours. There is always a viable give and take, as in all happy families.
The Woods and the Darkness Within
The Woods are Not Lovely, only that they are Dark and Deep! Deep inside the woods in Tollywood, Mollywood, Bollywood, not to forget Hollywood, there is little that is Lovely! It is sinister clouds that come and go every monsoon time, which is when one or the other victims bites the dust, to squeal and protest. In a few weeks, the clouds blow away, washed away through a myriad of protests and familiar bursts of anger on the streets, marches to the official residences, and soon it is peace time.
So, this time around, the fires started from within the Kerala film industry. The tip of the iceberg was the release of the 290-page report of the Hema Committee – parts of which have been redacted to hide identities of survivors and those accused of wrongdoing – saying the industry is dominated by “a mafia of powerful men” and that “sexual harassment of women is rampant”. Based on testimonies from 51 people from the Kerala-based film industry, the Hema Committee report laid bare decades of exploitation and said that “women have been asked to make themselves available for sex on demand” and that they were constantly told to make “compromise and adjustments” if they wanted work.
Headed by a former judge of the Kerala High Court and set up by the state government in 2017, the Hema committee had detailed further the abysmal working conditions on the film sets – including a lack of toilets and changing rooms for junior artists, no food and water for them, poor pay and no accommodation or transport facilities.
Typically, the first hammer was struck upon the Kerala government for having withheld the report from becoming public for five years. The High Court came heavily thereafter for non-action. At first, none of the bigger stars spoke, perhaps waiting to see how the public outcry would unfold. A few did speak out, but soon the din began to settle. As the state government, under orders of the Kerala High Court constituted a special investigating team (SIT), to go into the charges. Reports suggest some 20 cases are of more serious nature. Names had been withheld from the report, so these have to be identified and probed. One hopes this will lead to some ‘action’ of the kind that makes such acts immediately recognizable, that more women will call out, and redressals will be available in public domain.
In an interview with News 18, Vivek Oberoi, the Bollywood star, as one of the few examples that came out clearly, responded by expressing his strong stance against exploitation. He emphasised that he doesn’t wait for official reports and would immediately intervene if he witnessed someone being mistreated. Vivek explained that his moral compass compels him to support those in need, whether it’s a child in a labour camp or a girl on a movie set, standing beside them and offering strength. For him, this is a daily effort to be a good human being.
It is strange as one senior documentary maker out of Mumbai said as an aside, “we work in an industry where the common theme that plays out in every other film, is that the hero chases the girl, keeps chasing her till she relents, and she does, and it is a happy ending thereafter.” Can they then not imagine this to be equally effective ploy in real life, and not just in reel life?
The Rise and Rise of an LOP
I don’t know how many of us outside the immediacy of politics will remember who the last LOP was in the Indian Parliament? The current one, a recent promotion, that of Rahul Gandhi has, all of a sudden, become a continuous headline. Both within Parliament, within the country and equally overseas, more specifically in the US on his recent visit to meet with the Indian diaspora. That the Congress mentor, Sam Pitroda, a long-time friend of the Gandhi family, was orchestrating Rahul’s visit was a sure-shot pointer that success was imminent. But this visit was that of the ‘LOP’, and went a couple of steps further in taunting the present government. Was Rahul ‘correct’ in ‘all’ his observations? Was he politically correct to ask the question: will all communities feel safe in the present-day environment when ‘minorities’ are being targeted? I asked the question of many Sikhs whom I know around me. Not one was in agreement with Rahul, a few dismissed it as a non-issue, saying they should stop playing politics around religion. When there is none of this sort, was it wise to prop a hypothetical question, with inherent potential to cause damage, it was both unnecessary and unwarranted. That his remarks found favour with the pro-Khalistani elements in Canada added fuel to fire. This too, when no Sikh that I know of, here in India, is even thinking of any such thing called Khalistan. Its only in the mind of a few, who have either business interests or have been hired by anti-India elements to keep the idea afloat. The question that emerges thereof, was Rahul taking his new role too seriously, even more than it warrants. How good a job he may be doing otherwise, is quite another issue. That he is, on various counts, acquitting himself favourably, yes, for sure. But carrying his position to an extreme, like on this count, merits him to rethink his remarks, in the same capacity as the more responsible LOP.
ONOE, Oh No, the issue is Back on the Table
It was a legacy from the previous government, pre-elections 2024. The former president Kovil sahb had submitted a favourable report, recommending one nation, one single election, for both the centre and the states of the Indian Union. What was ideal for the government to do? Consign it to dust, as it now does not have the obvious numbers on its side, that required two-third majority in parliament, to pass it and make it an Act? Or, make the moves, see how it works, and if does not, let is become another instance when the opposition stalls all good intentions to bring electoral reform.
That we are a nation almost inevitably seized by elections is true. When elections to a state get staggered into multiple phases, the last national election had as many as eight phases. When elections to five states cannot be announced all at once, and are staggered, for reasons of available resources and need to ensure law and order.
Should every state election be made into a national referendum? Is it necessary for all central leaders to make it a point to double up, in even small states? Should there be a 45-day cooling period when the state machinery has to perforce go into hibernation? What is the sanctity of the 48 hours silent period before the date of polling, when you can still campaign through social media and national television, including channels dedicated brazenly to one political party or the other. Despite potential benefits, the proposal faces opposition, with critics citing concerns about the democratic spirit, dominance of national issues over local concerns, and the need for constitutional amendments. Implementing simultaneous elections requires constitutional amendments, a two-thirds majority in Parliament, and ratification by at least half the states. Amendments to key articles, including 83, 85(2)(B), 174(2)(B), 356, and 75(3), along with changes to the Representation of People Act.
More importantly, does the federal spirit get violated when the obvious fallout would be to sideline local issues. Does one election help focus one central image, that of a tall leader? And does this help the present incumbent, namely PM Modi, given his towering presence? For that matter, is that central figure as enduring today as it was just a few years back? And will it endure or grow in the coming years? Will the next few years witness the rise of a few new faces, across the opposition? My question is, given the post 2024 elections, how much is it a certainty that this proposed ONOE will favour the ruling party, or any political party?
What you Wear, Shows Off on you
Clothes is the man, one would imagine. There is that ever-familiar image of Mamta Bannerjee in her simple white cotton saree. The image endures, and has become her hallmark. Remember a similar figure, but in a saffron saree, that of Uma Bharti. That was her trademark. Now, it is the saffron clad Yogi Adityanath, the chief minister and also the head of the mutt at Gorakhpur. In recent times, Rahul Gandhi has preferred a T-shirt, as that keeps him connected more with the youth. His overflowing beard, one that he also trims occasionally, gives him a sense of seriousness, perhaps that overflow from PM Modi, as his younger avatar. His casual persona also helps him associate with a commoner. One cannot recall him in jeans, that his late father was seen in, especially on his tours to the North East. It is said, that the late Indira Gandhi would change her saree fall, to the left or right, depending upon which city she was travelling to.
Given India’s diversity, sartorial style becomes important, when the desire is to be at one with the community around. PM Modi leaves it very often to his choice of turban or head gear. So does Amit Shah, as well, but then the Home Minister is not known as much for any special sense of clothing. Kejriwal’s muffler has gone missing, but so has his cough that tormented him in his early days as CM. He is yet to wear a jacket or a coat, prefers a full sleeve sweater in the winter months, as does his deputy Manish Sisodia.
PM Modi has adopted a white Kurta with a choice of jacket in pastel shades, which has become his trade mark. He often puts on a head gear in tune with local customs, on his nation-wide tours. Overseas, he is seen in a smartly stitched bandgala. The style is sartorial and elegant.
What does this all say about the clothes and the man? From his Wagon R, Kejriwal has moved up notches with the Toyota Fortuner; many a politician to signal his success as a politician has switched to Audis and Mercedes’. A narrative of simplicity in a nation that has a high percentage of people living below poverty line is a better ‘idea’ to identify yourself as a leader of the toiling millions. Simple living, simple thinking but delivering big. It also sends a message of humility, earnestness and remaining grounded. It is ultimately the message that you want to send down the line; it is delivered in your dress – remember the loin cloth and bare feet of the Mahatma, a choice of apparel specifically chosen to identify him with the masses.
In the western world, there is lesser need for such choices. The ubiquitous suit and tie is always a trademark. Donald Trump prefers his suit not to be buttoned; how does it help him to contain his girth one does not know. In the Far East and in Taiwan and Philippines, local attire is strong as a display of national pride and belonging.
Make in India, 10 years Going! Reforms in the bureaucracy?
This month has marked a milestone in the country’s quest to make in India. Ten years since the inception and incubation of the ambitious programme to stimulate manufacturing in the country. Consequent to this drive, we had the next step enshrined in ‘made in India’, meaning the realisation of the initial first steps. It was born out of a realisation that we needed to step up manufacturing, if we were to realise our goals of being a leading global economy. This underscored how manufacturing suffered a big blow, especially in the last few years of the UPA government, as we gave away liberally rights to import, under most unfavourable FTAs with several global entities. That these countries dumped goods and flooded our domestic markets, destroyed businesses in several sectors, killed numerous small and medium scale enterprises. Imagine, we had utensils coming from overseas, as we also imported kites for children to fly, not to mention Hindu deity idols to buy during festival times!
Make in India had indeed become a crying need of the hour. Not that dumping has stopped but several government schemes now give a fresh impetus to local industry, especially in the medium and large-scale sectors. The start-up revolution is another name for giving rise to entrepreneurs to do their own businesses. Overall, much has been achieved on the economic and industry fronts. Has private investment reached the desired levels? Yet not. Which is why the frontal drive is from government capex, awaiting the private to pick up momentum. What will drive private sector to start investing? There is a need for a holistic re-engineering of the entire eco-system. One that allows government interventions the least. One that allows for 100% transparency with clear responsibilities allocated to both, the government regulating machinery and the investor. One where the rules, every possible angle to them included, is all on a given website. Self-regulation is the key. Should there be discrepancies, these must be notified, just as much, on given websites. There should be a clear distinction between economic and criminal offences. There will always be defaulters; they need to be made an example of, but not allowed to vitiate the environment for the majority.
Very often, it is the burdensome bureaucracy that likes to assert its dominance. There are turf wars, between ministries and often within a ministry. There are differences of opinion between ministers and their secretaries, which is fine for democracy except that work stops, wheels are no longer in motion. PM Modi, in his first year in 2014 as prime minister, placed his entire confidence in the bureaucracy, preferring them to his own ministers. One wonders how much this was successful. Also, is this sustainable? The administrative arms have come to have a mafia of their own. There are several layers of coterie within. There is the cadre loyalty, the same batch syndrome, their own caste and background; then of course, there is also the ‘my school’ and ‘my college’ networking. Between them, it is a body of people cast in stone. With water-tight loyalties.
Time has come for re-engineering the civil services. Just witness the government backing off from the programme to seek lateral entry in senior posts for technical services. The fact is that specialisation is a must and it is not guaranteed that everyone will understand every subject. We have seen over the years, even a subject like tourism, which everybody assumes everybody knows, is entirely untrue; tourism is highly specialised area. Being a ‘good’ officer is not enough. Over the years, increasingly there are several sectors that call for expertise. To say that the IAS trains the individual for every sector is no longer valid. Many and each day, an increasing number, are specialist assignments. Law and order are possibly an area that can be carved out as one that suits every incumbent. But not subjects that call for greater global competitiveness and competence. Even in regular movements, most tenures are for two to three years. At the centre from the states on deputation the tenure is for five years, but the same person mostly does not serve his entire five years in one ministry. By the time the incumbent gets to understand the complexities, it is time for his transfer. Very often, the incumbent is ill suited to his assignment, with no level of interest in the subject.
So, the lateral entry was done away with. Just simply withdrawn. It is the best intervention to get specialists. But then the IAS can think their turf is being encroached upon? Lateral entry is best only at and above joint secretary levels, but these should be introduced such that some half of these positions should become specialist assignments in a period of not more than three years. This alone can make the vital difference in the way our economic ministries can deliver. This also needs to be introduced at the state levels, even if this means the number of cadres inducted every year has to be reduced. The PM, known for his penchant for disruption, must seriously look into this aspect.
Advantage Atishi
Another breath of fresh air! A number of AAP politicians have been released from jail, in the last few weeks. This includes the Delhi CM as well. On his release, Kejriwal surprised everyone by announcing he would resign within 48 hours. And he did. It was widely assumed he would appoint his wife to the post, also based on the assumption that we would prefer to enjoy the perks of the mansion that he had built for the CM Delhi. Neither assumption proved true. He appointed Atishi, his junior minister and also said he will exit from the CM mansion to live in a less ambitious and flamboyant habitat.
Atishi is a well-educated lady with a clean record, an alumni of Delhi’s prestigious St Stephen’s College, with a clean administrative experience that has done well for the city, in the field of education. What is important is that her image and persona are not given to confrontational politics, as was the case with Kejriwal. The latter donned the hat of an iconoclast, saying he would defy traditions, even the constitution, which an earlier LG, Najeeb Jung, was always showing to him, as the rule book, that Jung will not allow him to overrule. The last few years, with an astute LG in command, identifying every area where his writ runs, sometimes defying the grey line, Kejriwal was more into fighting battles within the complex administrative set up of the capital. Atishi does not need to tread the same path, leave Kejriwal to keep opposing, not that it matters as much, now that he is no longer in government, except only the AAP chief! She has gone about in the right spirit, seeking cooperation of the government machinery. Delhi needs to tidy itself, often it is proving a shame for a city that is seeking to be among the global best.